
For decades, peace between Israel and Syria has seemed a mirage shimmering on the horizon of Middle Eastern diplomacy. Now, for the first time in half a century, that mirage may be turning into reality. Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s visit to the White House marked a historic moment not only for the two nations but also for a region exhausted by war, extremism and proxy rule.
The prospective Israel-Syria security treaty, brokered by the Trump administration, could become one of the most consequential diplomatic breakthroughs in decades. It would cement Syria’s break from the Iran-Hezbollah axis, secure Israel’s northern border and offer a post-Assad vision of stability over sectarianism. That this initiative is even imaginable reflects a convergence of interests — and a White House willing to seize a fleeting opportunity.
The collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s Iranian-backed regime and Israel’s campaign against Hezbollah have redrawn the region’s map. Into that vacuum has stepped a Syrian government that knows survival depends on legitimacy at home and acceptance abroad. For Israel, that realignment offers a chance to protect the Druze minority in southern Syria and to prevent Hezbollah from reestablishing its rocket corridors along the Golan Heights.
President Donald Trump’s meeting with al-Sharaa also yielded another breakthrough: Syria’s imminent entry into the U.S.-led coalition against ISIS. After years of quiet intelligence sharing, Damascus is now aligning with Washington and 87 other nations committed to eradicating the remnants of the terrorist network. Analysts note that this turn — from a onetime jihadist ally to an anti-ISIS partner of the United States and Israel — marks an ideological reversal rarely seen in the Middle East.
For al-Sharaa, cooperation with the coalition could hasten the lifting of sanctions and secure U.S. recognition of his transitional government. Trump has already suspended key restrictions under the Caesar Act, and bipartisan voices in Congress support easing Syria’s isolation if progress continues. Even cautious Democrats such as Rep. Elissa Slotkin, a former counterterrorism official, called her dinner with al-Sharaa “quite moving,” citing his commitment to normalization.
This alignment, though fragile, underscores a deeper transformation. Both Jerusalem and Damascus now view Iran not as a protector but as a predator. In conversations with U.S. senators and U.N. diplomats, al-Sharaa has emphasized his goal of reclaiming Syrian sovereignty free from Iranian militias — a vision Israel shares for its own security. The emerging treaty envisions a demilitarized zone in southwest Syria, U.N. monitoring and U.S. guarantees to turn confrontation into deterrence.
The symbolism is striking: A onetime pariah state, once listed as a sponsor of terror, now sitting across from the American president to discuss peace with the world’s only Jewish state. It is the clearest extension yet of the Abraham Accords’ logic — that pragmatic self-interest, not ideology, drives peace.
Skeptics warn that Damascus’ sincerity remains untested. That’s true. But the alternative — a renewed front dominated by Iran and ISIS — is worse. If Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and al-Sharaa finalize an agreement, it would rival Egypt’s 1979 historic peace treaty. And if Trump carries it across the finish line, it will vindicate his belief that strength and engagement are not opposites but allies. After half a century of false starts, peace between Israel and Syria would indeed be a treaty worth the wait.



